Permatang Pauh Election

PERMATANG PAUH BY-ELECTION, 26 AUGUST 2008

A by-election will be held for the Dewan Rakyat parliamentary seat of Permatang Pauh on August 26, 2008 with nomination day on August 16, 2008. The seat of Permatang Pauh in the Dewan Rakyat, fell vacant after the resignation of the incumbent, Datuk Seri Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, on 31 July 2008. Wan Azizah was the Leader of the Opposition as well as the President of the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), a component party of the opposition Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalition. The by-election will contested by the PR candidate former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. This election has been dubbed "the mother of all by-elections" by the media due to the potentially significant implication of the election as well as the high profile of Anwar Ibrahim.

Background of the by-election

On July 27, 2008 Anwar said that he aims to return to parliament for the first time in a decade later this year if a court orders a by-election near his home town. The seat mentioned would probably be Kulim-Bandar Baharu constituency next to his hometown of Permatang Pauh in Penang. Anwar Ibrahim on July 31, 2008 said he would contest a by-election for the parliamentary seat of Permatang Pauh vacated by his wife in order to expedite his return to political office. His wife Wan Azizah said she handed her letter of resignation to the parliament speaker on Thursday 31 July. Party officials said the by-election must be held within 60 days. The Election Commission (EC) has fixed the nomination day for the Permatang Pauh by-election on Aug 16, with polling to be held ten days later on Aug 26. Some 58,459 voters in the Permatang Pauh constituency would be eligible to vote on Aug 26, a working Tuesday, adding that the figure also include 490 postal voters.

Anwar Ibrahim was charged on August 7, 2008 for sodomy under Section 377B of the Penal Code, fueling speculations over a possible conspiracy on the part of the Malaysian government to derail his election campaign.

Background of Permatang Pauh

Parliamentary seat P.44 Permatang Pauh lies in the federal state of Penang. In the 2008 election, Datuk Seri Wan Azizah Wan Ismail of the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (a component party of the Pakatan Rakyat coalition), garnered 30,338 votes, defeating Firdaus Ismail of the United Malay National Organization (UMNO) (a component party of the Barisan Nasional coalition) (16,950 votes) .

Pre-nomination speculation

Barisan Nasional

A former Permatang Pauh Umno leader said the Barisan Nasional (BN) candidate for the by-election for the seat on Aug 26 must have three characteristics to succeed. Firstly, he must be willing to cover all areas and tackle the young voters as most of them are "fence-sitters." Secondly, the candidate must be influential and know all the secrets and strategies of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) advisor Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. Thirdly, he must have a clean record and be acceptable to friends and foes in Permatang Pauh.

Former Parti Keadilan Rakyat Youth leader, Ezam Mohd Nor has vowed to do all he can to deny Anwar victory and return to active politics. He even offered himself as the Umno candidate although he pledged to support anyone picked by the party. The by-election is by far the best platform for Ezam to convince Umno members unhappy with, and suspicious of his return to Umno, that he is sincere in fighting for the cause. Umno Seberang Jaya assemblyman Datuk Arif Shah Omar Shah is the Barisan Nasional leadership’s choice to take on PKR de facto leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim in the Permatang Pauh parliamentary by-election on Aug 26. BN deputy chairman Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak made the announcement on August 13.

Nominations

Anwar Ibrahim was officially announced as a PKR candidate in the constituency of Permatang Pauh in the state of Penang. Joining him in the race are UMNO's two-term assemblyman Arif Shah Omar Shah and Hanafi Mamat, a movement leader from a splinter group of the opposition islamic party PAS. The former deputy premier officially cleared the first hurdle after his nomination papers were accepted by the returning officer despite five objections from the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition. Anwar's 10,000 strong supporters celebrated with thunderous cheers amid a sea of blue, the BN supporters on the other side of the political divide were clearly outnumbered.

Ibraham said: "Barisan Nasional is clearly overwhelmed. It's no longer a by-election. It's more than that" Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak admitted the ruling party was the underdog: "It is going to be an uphill task but nothing is impossible in politics."

Election Campaigning

The election campaign has been marred by violence and accusations of dirty tricks. Keadilan information chief Tian Chua said Anwar had hoped for a landslide victory but worried that turnout could be low -- partly because the government has made the highly unusual decision to hold the vote on a weekday. The opposition has accused the government of vote-buying and stoking racial tensions -- a grave charge in Malaysia, which is dominated by Muslim Malays but also home to large ethnic Chinese and Indian minorities. Anwar has accused the government of painting him as a "Chinese agent", and Tian said a banner had been sighted depicting Anwar with the face of a pig, together with the young man who has accused him of sodomy. The government says its supporters have been subjected to abuse, and deputy premier Najib Razak has been taunted on the campaign trail over alleged links with a Mongolian woman murdered in 2006. Anwar has met several hundred Muslim voters in Permatang Pauh and told them he had been forbidden by Islamic religious teachers to take an oath on the Quran. A Muslim cleric who witnessed Mr Saiful Bukhari Azlan swearing to having being sodomised by Anwar Ibrahim has said the oath was not taken according to procedure. The cleric cast doubt on the oath's validity, saying he thought it could be part of a political conspiracy. Mr Ramlang Porigi, who said he was one of the four imams at the Federal Territory mosque who were instructed to witness the oath-taking, explained yesterday that, to the best of his knowledge, both parties had to be present.

DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng has urged the Election Commission to take action against Barisan Nasional candidate for the Permatang Pauh by-election Datuk Arif Shah Omar Shah for allegedly engaging in money politics. Lim said Arif Shah had flouted the election regulations by offering cash to the electorate in Permatang Pauh. He was responding to reports in Chinese dailies that Arif Shah was allegedly offering between RM50 and RM500 to some people in the constituency.

Malaysia urges US not to interfere in Anwar case

PUTRAJAYA, Malaysia—Malaysia's leader urged the United States on Friday to respect his country's sovereignty by not meddling in its investigation into a sodomy accusation against opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim.

Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi was responding to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's call for Malaysia to be transparent and to follow the rule of law in the case.

"I want to state this important point: We are a sovereign country," Abdullah told reporters. "We have our own set of laws. Whatever we do, we will make every effort to ensure this is consistent with the laws. ... That is what we do, and I hope people will respect us."

Anwar has rejected accusations of sodomy made last month by a male aide, claiming they were part of a conspiracy to keep him from seizing power from Malaysia's ruling coalition. Government leaders have denied trying to frame Anwar.

On Thursday, Rice told a news conference on the sidelines of a regional security meeting in Singapore that Washington wants to "see transparency and for the rule of law to be completely followed" in Anwar's case.

Rice dismissed Malaysia's claim that the case was an internal affair, saying the U.S. was "always going to speak up on human rights cases, political cases."

Malaysian Foreign Minister Rais Yatim said he told Rice in a subsequent meeting to "abstain from making untoward statements." But he added that the issue would not hurt bilateral ties.

The war of words began earlier this month when a State Department spokesman made similar comments about Anwar, provoking a letter of complaint from Rais to Rice.

Anwar, a former deputy prime minister, revived his political career in March when his three-party opposition alliance won 82 seats in the 222-member Parliament, the strongest performance ever for the opposition. He says he is close to toppling the government.

Have National Referendums On Sensitive Issues – The Voice Of the Majority Is Most Supreme

In Malaysia the prime minister is not chosen based on the national referendum or consensus, but by a lesser political set-up, the general elections where parties with the most number of seats in parliament are given the choice of naming the person to be the prime minister of the country.

by Mansor Bin Putih (Malaysia-Today)

There are many issues in Malaysia which are considered to be sensitive; they are those that deal with race, religion and education.

Unfortunately, many of those who take part in the debates on these issues have all neglected that their views may not represent the voice of the majority.

And any political party or coalition of parties may not have the ultimate say in making the decisions on these issues.

Everybody has valid reasons for not supporting the use of Bahasa Melayu as the medium of instruction for science and mathematics, and so on.

These views are mostly blinkered by one's biases. Most non-Malays will insist in using English, while many Malays will opt for Bahasa Melayu.

Even the description of Bahasa Malaysia which was agreed by the cabinet did not go down well with many Malays. And this was one of the reasons why the Malays had not voted or Umno or Barisan Nasional (BN) in the last general elections.

The non-Malay political analysts, however, did not think this issue to be a major one, like Islam Hadhari which was also the formost reason why many Malays and Muslims rejected Umno and BN in the same elections.

And as such no non-Malay political analyst worth his salt has ever mentioned these two factors.

Many think that the Hindraf issue was what had made the voters to go against the popular grain. But did the Malays and Muslims also supported this particular issue? I doubt it. They probably did not like it that the government or authorities had failed to demolish more illegal structures of all types.

The reason why I am writing this essay is to bring out the issue of the NATIONAL REFERENDUM.

Is this something strange to democracts and liberals? In other countries it is not. But in Malaysia, even the most liberal or liberals and the most democrat of democrats has not said anything about it. Why?

We all know that the ultimate way to find out if any issue, especially those sensitive ones could be decided upon more democratically and liberally is by having a NATIONAL REFERENDUM on them.

Unfortunately, in Malaysia, no one has ever offered such a proposal. Why?

The reason being, in such an exercise, the voice of the majority will prevail. And in the issues of Bahasa Melayu versus Bahasa Malaysia;

using of Bahasa Melayu for science and mathematics, etc, etc, will all be determined by the majority who in the case of Malaysia, are the Malays and Muslims.

If this is conducted, then we can know what the majority in Malaysia wants, and not just what the minority has been insisting all this while.

In any TRUE DEMOCARACY, the voice of the majority must be respected. This is despite the fact that there is going to be unfairness. This is DEMOCRACY. And if all Democracy-loving Malaysians believe in such a system or set-up, then they should surrender to the will of the majority who must be allowed to voice their opinions and choice using such a system.

Having an open debate on such issues, especially the sensitive ones cannot bring ultimate benefits to the people and country. It is ANARCHY AT WORK. And there are some individuals amongst the UNSEEN PUBLIC and the more vocal ones who are in the PUBLIC VIEW have been demanding that everybody else and the whole country listen to them.

Is this democracy? This is anarchy. They can voice their views on anything, including on the sensitive issues, but they cannot insist on having their way all the time. The decision rests not on how loud and clever one is on such issues, but must be made by the general consensus of everybody in the country.

And the best way to find out what the whole country wants is for the government to conduct a NATIONAL REFERENDUM so that we can get their common decision, in a NATIONAL CONSENSUS.

Are the so-called liberals of all strips and from all races in Malaysia, particularly Kit Siang, Karpal Singh and the others who blog as a way of life accept the VOICE OF THE MAJORITY that can only be determined in a NATIONAL REFERENDUM?

If they cannot do that, then they are NOT REAL DEMOCRATS or REAL LIBERALS. They are anarchists who do not believe in the VOICE OF THE MAJORITY.

Let's hear more of the NATIONAL REFERENDUM and NATIONAL CONSENSUS. This is the only way that we have to find a just solution and decision on any issue.

In Malaysia the prime minister is not chosen based on the national referendum or consensus, but by a lesser political set-up, the general elections where parties with the most number of seats in parliament are given the choice of naming the person to be the prime minister of the country.

In America, they allow the whole country to make such a choice by voting in their presidents. Therefore, the president in America is chosen by a NATIONA REFERENDUM OR CONSENSUS and not by his party, although the presidential candidates from the two major political parties, the Democratic and Republican parties find their own candidates for the post.

But ultimately, it is the American voters who pick who to be their president when even members or supporters of these two parties are allowed to choose any of the two candidates of their choice.

Yes, in Malaysia we have to talk more and more about the NATIONAL REFERENDUM and NATIONAL CONSENSUS as this is the best way for any issue, however sensitive can be decided, that will be accepted by the majority.

The views of those who write in the blogs and newspapers do not reflect the WILL AND DEMANDS OF THE MAJORITY.

Most of the majority do not voice their views on a host of things, including the sensitive ones; they keep to themselves. So we do not know what they feel. Many of them are uneducated and do not speak a word of English and who do not care for this language, since they have yet to be taken out of their cocoon in the villages.

Unfortunately, in Malaysia, it is this large group of people who are in the majority; and it is they - who are mostly the Malays - who are the REAL LEADERS OF THE LAND. And it is they whose views on Bahasa Melayu and the other issues we have to seek. Unfortunately, they also decide what is good for the country.

But sadly, they have all been neglected and have been left to their own device, while their land is slowly being taken away by the wealthy businessmen to expand their personal empires.

Let's talk more and more of the NATIONAL REFERENDUM and NATIONAL CONSENSUS and give back the VOICE OF THE MAJORITY back to the majority and let the minority who are mostly vocal and loud and too narcisistic, to continue to have their word in the blogs and newspapers.

Anwar’s police report in full

SHAH ALAM, July 1 — PKR leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim today lodged a police report against Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Musa Hassan and Attorney-General Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail alleging that they concocted evidence for his corruption and sodomy trials in 1998 and 1999.

Anwar arrived at the Shah Alam police headquarters accompanied by hundreds of supporters. After making the report, Anwar head for the PKR headquarters in Petaling Jaya where he held a press conference.

Below is Anwar’s police report in full:

POLICE REPORT LODGED BY DATO’ SERI ANWAR IBRAHIM
1st July, 2008

I, Anwar bin Ibrahim, (NRIC No: 470810-07-5095), hereby make the following police report based on information that I have recently received.

1. This report is in relation to the investigation into the assault on me by the former IGP Tan Sri Rahim Noor on 20 September 1998. I believe Tan Sri Rahim Noor, after being prosecuted, pleaded guilty to the assault. I had lodged a police report in respect of the assault on 27.9.98.

2. In relation to the investigation into the assault, I believe that the Investigating Officer ACP Mat Zain bin Ibrahim (now Datuk Mat Zain) had conducted a thorough investigation and prepared an investigation paper (“IP”) which was presented by October 1998 to the former Attorney General Tan Sri Mokhtar Abdullah and his team which included the current Attorney General Tan Sri Gani Patail for further action.

3. The said investigation paper concluded that Tan Sri Rahim Noor was the perpetrator of the assault on me. The said paper reached a conclusion after a thorough investigation which included medical reports by Hospital KL forensic specialists such as Dr Ab. Halim Haji Mansar and Dr Zahari bin Noor and statement from at least 60 witnesses. The medical reports concluded that the injury inflicted on me was consistent with an assault.

4. Despite the contents of the Investigation paper and the medical reports already available, Tan Sri Mokhtar with the assistance of the current Attorney General Tan Sri Gani Patail then obtained the services of another doctor whom I was informed to be one Dr Abdul Rahman Yusof.

5. Doctor Rahman in an undated and second report speaks of a “reconstruction of the scene” on 14 December 2008. I believe that this so-called reconstruction of the scene never happened.

6. It is an undisputable fact that Dr Rahman’s reports in relation to the assault on me were done without actually even examining me at any time.

7. However, despite the IP and the already existing medical reports, Tan Sri Mokhtar in his press statement of 5 January 1999 appears to accept the views of Dr Rahman on the so-called “inconsistencies” in the other medical reports by the doctors who actually physically examined me.

8. Tan Sri Mokhtar’s press statement also states that the investigation which had been carried out did not identify the person or persons responsible for my injuries. This is inconsistent with the IP which had already concluded by October 1998 that it was Rahim Noor who assaulted me. Tan Sri Mokhtar and his team therefore had wilfully misled the public. As the police investigation done by Mat Zain had apparently not led to any conclusion, there was a public outcry and demand for a Royal Commission which was then set up. Tan Sri Mokhtar also made a false statement that the IP was submitted to him on 19.11.98. I believe that Tan Sri Gani Patail had full knowledge of the false contents of this press statement.

9. I believe Tan Sri Musa Hassan and Tan Sri Gani Patail were present in Bukit Aman on 20 September 1998 and knew about the assault by Tan Sri Rahim Noor on me. Tan Sri Musa and Tan Sri Gani further concealed the fact of the assault on me from the public until my black eye and injuries were revealed in court.

10. I believe both Tan Sri Musa and Tan Sri Gani Patail were actively involved in the procuring of the second undated report by Dr Rahman which makes false and incredible conclusions such as “the pattern and nature of the injuries are not consistent with a direct blow”, “accidental nature of the injuries could not be ruled out” and “self-inflicted nature of the injury should be considered”. They gave the instructions to Dr Rahman to proceed to write this second report and were acting under the direction and/or jointly with Tan Sri Mokhtar Abdullah.

11. These facts show that Tan Sri Musa Hassan, Tan Sri Gani Patail and SAC II Datuk Mat Zain bin Ibrahim (who, according to Dr Rahman’s second report, accompanied him to the cell in Bukit Aman where I was detained and participated in the so-called reconstruction of the scene) conspired with Dr Rahman to procure the production of this second report. This was done so that my police report of 27.9.98 in respect of the assault would be regarded as a false police report for which I could be charged, or at the very least, to damage my credibility, so as to affect my defence in the other criminal cases where I was charged for so-called “corruption” and sodomy to facilitate a conviction.

12. I wish to point out that Tan Sri Gani Patail was the senior prosecutor assisting Tan Sri Mokhtar in the prosecution against me. Tan Sri Musa Hassan was the Investigating Officer for my prosecution. I also believe, that in an unprecedented manner, an operation room specially for my prosecution was set up at Bukit Aman’s compound where all these individuals would meet regularly.

13. This is not the first time that allegations of fabricating evidence had surfaced in connection with Tan Sri Gani Patail. I am informed that in the Federal Court decision Zainur bin Zakaria v Public Prosecutor [2001] 3 MLJ, Steve Shim CJ in delivering his judgment pointed out that “… was he not justified, on a prima facie basis, in complaining that Tan Sri Gani Patail’s conduct at the meeting on 2.10.1998 was an attempt to get Nalla to fabricate evidence in order to perfect charges against him for other alleged sexual offences?” The references to “he” and “him” in that sentence are references to myself.

14. In relation to the above, I refer to the following documents which will be of assistance to the police:
1. The press statement by Tan Sri Mokhtar issued on 5.1.99.
2. The notes of proceedings in the report of the Royal Commission of the evidence of Dr Rahman
3. The second undated report produced by Dr Rahman exhibited in the Royal Commission report.

15. I call for a fresh investigation into the fabrication of evidence in this case which I am advised is an offence contrary to section 192 of the Penal Code punishable up to 7 years imprisonment. I ask that all the persons who are implicated in the procuring of this second report by Dr Rahman i.e. Tan Sri Gani Patail, Tan Sri Musa Hassan, Dr Rahman and Datuk Mat Zain bin Ibrahim be investigated thoroughly so that the truth is known and the offending individuals punished.

ANWAR BIN IBRAHIM
1st July 2008

Malaysia to protest US statement

By THE STAR, Malaysia

KUALA LUMPUR: Malaysia will issue a note to the United States embassy to protest the country's statement warning against any "politically-motivated" investigation into PKR de-facto leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said this was because the statement was tantamount to an attempt by the United States to meddle in the country's domestic affairs.
"This is a statement which I perceive as an attempt to meddle in our administration. We have our own government, our own laws and our own enforcement.
"We know what we will have to do to ensure all due process in the law is implemented fairly and nobody is ill-treated or threatened. This is our objective and our practice.
"I will ask the Foreign Minister (Datuk Seri Dr Rais Yatim) to write a note," he told reporters Tuesday after meeting with Opposition Leader Datin Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail at his office in Parliament building here.
The meeting had taken place following a police report lodged by Anwar's aide Mohd Saiful Bukhari Azlan, 23, that he had been sodomised by the politician.
Abdullah was commenting on a statement by Washington warning Malaysia against any "politically-motivated investigation or prosecution" into the sodomy case involving Anwar.
US State Department spokesman Tom Casey was quoted as saying that "it hoped there would not be a pattern" because Anwar had faced similar charges in 1998.
Abdullah said the statement by the United States seemed to indicate that the country was "prejudiced" against Malaysia and the enforcement of its laws, and that it was not appropriate for a country, which is one of Malaysia's largest trading partners, to issue such a statement.
"The United States seems to harbour prejudice against us. The Government will not intervene in any investigation. The team carrying out the probe are professionals and they know their duties.
"They know what's permitted of them and what's not," he said.
Earlier, in another press conference, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak said the police probe into the newest police case against Anwar "was never politically motivated".
"It has never been politically motivated at all. Washington had better get their facts right," he said.

Sabah Umno divisions free to nominate candidates

By MUGUNTAN VANAR (THE STAR)

KOTA KINABALU: Sabah Umno will allow all its 25 divisions to independently nominate their choice of candidates for the party elections in December.

State chief Datuk Musa Aman said that the party divisions were “free” to make their own choices for various posts in the supreme council.

However, he stressed that all branches and divisions must conduct their meetings in an orderly fashion and in accordance with party rules and regulations.

“What is important is for Umno to be strengthened in the state,” the Chief Minister said after chairing the state liaison committee meeting for the first time at its new multimillion-ringgit, 12-storey building here on Sunday.

Musa said that at the meeting, he stressed on the importance of all Umno elected members in continuing to work hard in their constituencies in view of the mandate given by the people.

The meeting also fully endorsed Sabah Umno's undivided support for party president Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and his deputy Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak in the light of current political developments, including Sabah Progressive Party's push for a vote of no-confidence against Abdullah, also the Prime Minister.

On a question whether he will be defending his supreme council post or planning to seek a higher post in the party, Musa said that it was too early for him to decide.

Petronas Adviser

I have been asked by the media and commentators in my blog as to whether I would quit as adviser to Petronas following my quitting as an UMNO member.I would like to believe it is not exclusive to UMNO members.

Prior to my being adviser, the post was held by Tun Hussein Onn who was appointed by me following his resignation as Prime Minister.

When UMNO was made illegal and UMNO Baru was formed Tun Hussein remained outside the party but this did not affect his position in Petronas. He remained Petronas adviser until he passed away.

Tun Hussein was also ISIS (Institute of Strategic and International Studies) chairman from 1984 until his demise.As I have stated before I have no intention of quitting. It is ridiculous if all advisorial appointments subject the appointee to saying only the things that please the Government.

The Government is free to remove me from this position as it sees fit.Dr M threatened judgesBoth the New Straits Times and the Star today chose to splash Justice Dato Ian Chin’s “stunning” claims of my alleged interference in the judiciary, providing brief respite from the current issues of oil price hike etc etc I will refrain from commenting for now and will do so in due time. However, I am quite curious about what Ian Chin considers as “veiled threat”. Perhaps he could be more specific as his allegations are very serious.

By Tun Dr Mahathir

www.chedet.com

Fuel hike: 78 sen more to RM2.70 per litre

The government (Pak Lah) has announced that petrol price will go up by 78 sen at midnight - a 40.6 percent jump from RM1.92 per litre to RM2.70.

Dr Mahathir

4th Prime Minister of Malaysia

In office
July 16, 1981 – October 31, 2003 Monarch Sultan Ahmad Shah (1979 - 1984)
Sultan Iskandar Al-haj (1984 - 1989)
Sultan Azlan Shah (1989 - 1994)
Tuanku Jaafar Tuanku Abdul Rahman (1994 - 1999)
Tuanku Salahuddin Abdul Aziz Shah (1999 - 2001)
Tuanku Syed Sirajuddin (2001 - 2006) Deputy Musa Hitam (1981 - 1986)
Ghafar Baba (1986 - 1993)
Anwar Ibrahim (1993 - 1998)
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi (1998 - 2003) Preceded by Tun Hussein bin Dato' Onn Succeeded by Abdullah Ahmad Badawi

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4th Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia

In office
September 15, 1978 – July 16, 1981 Preceded by Tun Hussein bin Dato' Onn Succeeded by Tun Musa Hitam

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20th Secretary General of Non-Aligned Movement

In office
February 25, 2003 – October 31, 2003 Preceded by Thabo Mbeki Succeeded by Abdullah Ahmad Badawi

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Born 20 December 1925 (1925-12-20) (age 82)
Alor Star, Kedah Darul Aman Political party Barisan Nasional, UMNO Spouse Tun Dr. Siti Hasmah Occupation Doctor of Medicine Religion Islam

Personal

Mahathir was born on December 20, 1925, in Alor Star, the capital of the northern state of Kedah. His father was a school teacher of Indian origin, having migrated from the southern state of Kerala, while his mother was a Malay; Mahathir generally associates himself with a Malay ethnic and become strong suporter of Indians comunity in Malaysia identity. During World War II, he sold pisang goreng (banana fritters) and other snacks to supplement his family income during the Japanese occupation of Malaya.

Mahathir attended a Malay vernacular school before continuing his education at the Sultan Abdul Hamid College in Alor Star. Mahathir then attended the King Edward VII Medical College in Singapore, where he edited a medical student magazine called The Cauldron; he also contributed to the The Straits Times newspaper anonymously under the nickname "Che Det". Mahathir was also President of the Muslim Society in the college. Upon graduation in 1953, Mahathir joined the then Malayan government service as a medical officer. He married Siti Hasmah Mohd Ali a fellow doctor and former classmate in college on 5 August 1956, and left government service in 1957 to set up his own private practice in Alor Star. Mahathir thrived in private practice, and allowed him to own by 1959 a Pontiac Catalina and employ an ethnic Chinese chauffeur (at the time, almost all chauffeurs in Malaysia were Malays, owing to the economic dominance of the ethnic Chinese). Some critics have suggested this foreshadowed a later hallmark of Mahathir's politics, which focused on the "cultivation of such emblems of power".

He has five children through marriage with Siti Hasmah. Both Mukhriz and Mokhzani Mahathirare involved in business as well as in politics while their eldest daughter Marina Mahathir is a prominent local writer and AIDS activist.

Political career

Active in politics since 1945, beginning with his involvement in the Anti-Malayan Union Campaign, Mahathir joined the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) at its inception in 1946. As State Party Chairman, and Chairman of the Political Committee, he inadvertently angered some quarters with his proposal that the selection of candidates be based on certain qualifications for the 1959 general election. Hurt by accusations that he was scheming to put up candidates who were strongly allied to him, Mahathir refused to take part in the national election that year.

In the third general election of 1964, Mahathir was elected Member of Parliament for Kota Setar Selatan defeating the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party's (PAS) candidate with a 60.2% majority. He lost the seat in the following general election in 1969 by a mere 989 votes to PAS's candidate, Haji Yusoff Rawa^[15] after he categorically declared that he did not need Chinese votes to win.^[16]

Following the race riots of 13 May 1969, Mahathir was sacked from the UMNO Supreme Council on 12 July, following his widespread distribution to the public of his letter to Tunku Abdul Rahman, the Prime Minister at that time. In his letter, he had criticised the manner in which Tunku Abdul Rahman had handled the country's administration which was believed to favour the ethnic Chinese. Mahathir was subsequently relieved of his party membership on 26 September.

While in the political wilderness, Mahathir wrote his book, "The Malay Dilemma" in which he sought to explain the causes of the May 13 Incident in Kuala Lumpur and the reasons for the Malays' lack of economic progress within their own country. He then proposed a politico-economic solution in the form of "constructive protection", worked out after careful consideration of the effects of heredity and environmental factors on the Malay race. The book, published in 1970, was promptly banned by the Tunku Abdul Rahman government. However, some of the proposals in this book had been used by Tun Abdul Razak, Tunku Abdul Rahman's successor, in his "New Economic Policy" (NEP) that was principally geared towards affirmative action economic programs to address the nation's economic disparity between the Malays and the non-Malays. The ban on his book was eventually lifted after Mahathir became Prime Minister in 1981.

Mahathir rejoined UMNO on 7 March 1972, and was appointed as Senator in 1973. He relinquished the senatorship post in 1974 in order to contest in the general elections where he was returned unopposed in the constituency of Kubang Pasu, and was appointed as the Minister of Education. In 1975, he became one of the three vice-presidents of UMNO, after winning the seat by 47 votes. Tun Hussein Onn appointed Mahathir as Deputy Prime Minister on 15 September 1978, and in a Cabinet reshuffle, appointed him concurrently as the Minister of Trade and Industry.

Mahathir became the Prime Minister of Malaysia on 16 July 1981 when Tun Hussein Onn stepped down due to health reasons. After 22 years in office, Mahathir retired on October 31, 2003, making him one of Asia's longest-serving political leaders. Upon his retirement on 31 October 2003, Mahathir was awarded a "Tun"-ship, Malaysia's highest civilian honour.

Tiger economy

Macro-economic trend

This is a chart of trend of gross domestic product of Malaysia at market prices estimated by the International Monetary Fund with figures in millions of Malaysian Ringgit.

Year	GDP (in millions)	Exchange (1 USD to MYR)	Inflation Index (2000=100)
1980	54,285	2.17	51
1985	78,890	2.48	64
1990	119,082	2.70	70
1995	222,473	2.50	85
2000	343,216	3.80	100
2005	494,544	3.78	109

For purchasing power parity comparisons, the US Dollar is exchanged at 1.70 Ringgit only. Average wages in 2007 hover around $30-37 per day.

From 1988 to 1997, the economy experienced a period of broad diversification and sustained rapid growth averaging 9% annually.

By 1999, nominal per capita GDP had reached $3,238. New foreign and domestic investment played a significant role in the transformation of Malaysia's economy. Manufacturing grew from 13.9% of GDP in 1970 to 30% in 1999 , while agriculture and mining which together had accounted for 42.7% of GDP in 1970, dropped to 9.3% and 7.3%, respectively, in 1999. Manufacturing accounted for 30% of GDP (1999). Major products include electronic components -- Malaysia is one of the world's largest exporters of semiconductor devices -- electrical goods and appliances.

During the same period, the government tried to eradicate poverty with a controversial race-conscious positive program called New Economic Policy (NEP). First established in 1971 after race riot known as the May 13 Incident occurred, it sought to eradicate poverty and end the identification of economic function with ethnicity. In particular, it was designed to improve the distribution of wealth among the country's population.. The NEP ostensibly ended in 1991, however the policies persist in the form of other programmes such as the National Developmnent Policy. The policies are enforced overtly through race-based quotas for low-cost housing units, university placement, business equity ownership, etc.

Rapid growth was achieved partly through privatisation of inefficient state owned enterprises, thus subjecting them to commercial pressures and forcing them to better utilise their resources. Mostly deals were done behind closed doors and put through rather quickly. In one example Khazanah Nasional alienated shares in DRB Hicom to Mega Consolidated. This led to such deals being labelled mega projects.

Foreign funds were attracted to invest making the local money market and bourse liquid. This created opportunity for local businesses to raise capital on the KLSE, and carry out infrastructure development in areas like telecommunications, highways and power generation to meet bottlenecks caused by rapid industrialisation. An intense labor shortage created employment for millions of foreign workers. Subsequent events show that more than 50% were illegal.

The influx of foreign investment led to the KLSE Composite index trading above 1,300 in 1994 and the ringgit trading above 2.5 in 1997. At various times the KLSE was the most active exchange in the world, with trading volume exceeding even the NYSE. The stock market capitalisation of listed companies in Malaysia was valued at $181,236 million in 2005 by the World Bank.^[10]

Some of the more visible projects from that period are Putrajaya, a new international airport (Kuala Lumpur International Airport), a hydroelectric dam (Bakun dam), the Petronas Towers and the Multimedia Super Corridor. Proposals that were eventually canceled include the 95 km Sumatra-Malaysia bridge (would have been world's longest), the Mega International Sea and Air port on reclaimed land in Kedah (would have been world's biggest) and the KL Linear City (would have been the world's longest mall and the world's first city built over a river).

Concerns were raised during the time about the sustainability of the rapid growth and the ballooning current account. The mainstream opinion prevalent at that time was that the deficit was temporary and would reverse once imported equipment started producing for export. In spite of that, measures were taken to moderate growth especially when it threatened to overheat into the double digits. The main target was asset prices, and restrictions were further tightened on foreign ownership of local assets. Exposure of local banks to real estate loans were also capped at 20%.

Background

Early and colonial history

The Malay Peninsula and indeed Southeast Asia has been a center for trade for centuries. Various items such as porcelain and spice were actively traded even before Malacca and Singapore rose to prominence.

In the 17th century, large deposits of tin were found in several Malay states. Later, as the British started to take over as administrators of Malaya, rubber and palm oil trees were introduced for commercial purposes. Over time, Malaya became the world’s largest producer of tin, rubber, and palm oil. These three commodities along with other raw materials firmly set Malaysia's economic tempo well into the mid-20th century.

During the 1970s, Malaysia followed the footsteps of the original four Asian Tigers and committed itself to transition from reliance on mining and agriculture to manufacturing. With Japan’s and the West's assistance, heavy industries flourished and in a matter of years, Malaysian exports became the country's primary growth engine. Malaysia consistently achieved more than 7% GDP growth along with low inflation in the 1980s and the 1990s.

Current GDP per capita grew 31% in the Sixties and an amazing 358% in the Seventies but this proved unsustainable and growth scaled back sharply to 36% in the Eighties rising again to 59% in the Nineties led primarily by export-oriented industries. The rate of poverty in Malaysia also fell dramatically over the years. However, its precipitous drop has been questioned by critics who suggest that the poverty line has been drawn at an unreasonably low level.

Central planning has been a major factor in the Malaysian economy, as government expenditure was often used to stimulate the economy. Since 1955, with the commencement of the First Malayan Five Year Plan, the government has used these plans to intervene in the economy to achieve such goals as redistribution of wealth and investment in, for instance, infrastructure projects.

A legacy of the British colonial system was the division of Malaysians into three groups according to ethnicity. The Malays were concentrated in their traditional villages, focusing mainly on agricultural activities, while the Chinese dominated Malaysian commerce. Educated Indians took up professional roles such as those of doctors or lawyers, while the less better-off worked the plantations. The Reid Commission which drafted the Malaysian Constitution made a provision for limited affirmative action through Article 153, which gave the Malays special privileges, such as 60% of university entrance (quota). However, after the May 13 incident of racial rioting in the federal capital of Kuala Lumpur, the government initiated more aggressive programmes aimed at actively establishing a Malay entrepreneurial class through direct intervention in the economy. The first five year plan that implemented these goals was the Second Malaysia Plan; its perceived heavy-handedness led to a new emphasis in the Third Malaysia Plan on a growing economic pie, so as to avoid robbing Peter to pay Paul.

As of 2006, the most recent five year plan is the Ninth Malaysia Plan. The five year plans have been criticised for resembling the central planning of Soviet communism; the five-year time frame has been attacked for being insufficient in dealing with short-term crises and long-term trends. The effectiveness of the plans has also been disputed; at the beginning of 2005, the last year of the Eighth Malaysia Plan, almost 80% of the funds allocated under the plan had not been disbursed.

There has also been a trend towards government involvement in the economy through government-linked companies (GLCs). Their purpose was to "[level] the economic playing field" and "serve as the vehicles for Malay entry into the private sector" according to one commentator. However, several GLCs were reportedly taken over by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the ruling party, through nominees, resulting in criticism that they were vehicles for corruption.